The Decline of the Red Corridor: Towards the End of Naxalism

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Rishi Suri

Once regarded as one of the most serious internal security challenges for India, the influence of Naxalism is now rapidly waning. The “Red Corridor” — a region long synonymous with Maoist violence and fear — has lost much of its former image. The decades-long saga of violence, armed conflict, and rebellion against state institutions seems to be nearing its end. This transformation is no accident but the result of a carefully planned, multi-pronged strategy that combines the resolute actions of security forces, the extensive reach of development projects, and the growing cooperation of local communities.

There was a time when Naxalism extended its grip over nearly 180 districts. These areas — stretching from Bihar to Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Maharashtra — collectively formed the so-called “Red Corridor.” In these regions, Naxal groups ran a parallel government, official schemes existed only on paper, and the administration could enter only with the support of armed security convoys. By 2025, however, this geography had shrunk to just 18 districts.

A decisive encounter in 2025 in the forests of Abujhmad accelerated this shift. In that operation, the CPI (Maoist) General Secretary, Nambala Kesav Rao, along with 28 other Naxals, was killed. The elimination of a leader of such senior rank dealt a devastating blow to the morale of the insurgents. It was the first time that a Maoist leader of this stature had been neutralised by security forces. Following this incident, the organisation’s strategic direction collapsed, and many active units were left leaderless. Home Minister Amit Shah hailed the achievement as historic and announced the goal of completely eradicating Naxalism by March 2026.

However, the success story is not just about the use of force. The spread of development and infrastructure has also played a vital role. In recent years, the government has placed special emphasis on building roads, bridges, schools, hospitals, and mobile towers in Naxal-affected areas. This has not only improved the mobility of security forces but has also opened up new opportunities for education, healthcare, and employment for local residents. Where once the state’s presence was visible only in the form of police outposts and operation rooms, it is now also felt through development projects.

Local communities have played an equally significant role in this transformation. In many villages, young people have begun opposing Naxalism and have declared their areas free from violence. Security forces, through “hearts and minds” campaigns, have built trust with the people. Many former Naxals have surrendered and returned to normal life under rehabilitation schemes.

Even so, it would be premature to assume that the threat of Naxalism has been eliminated. The root causes that once gave rise to the movement — such as tribal displacement, denial of land rights, and deep social and economic inequalities — still persist. If these issues are neglected, resentment could once again turn violent. It is therefore crucial that, alongside security operations, the government prioritises equitable development, local participation, and transparent governance.

The shrinking of the Red Corridor and the collapse of Naxal leadership clearly signal that India is moving towards lasting peace. But true success will come only when the end of violence in these regions is matched by socio-economic progress strong enough to ensure that Naxalism can never return. A safe, inclusive, and just system is the only way to bring this struggle to a permanent close.

Rishi Suri is a Senior Journalist and Editor of The Daily Milap, India’s oldest and largest Urdu newspaper

 

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